Research paper topics, free example research papers
You are welcome to search thousands of free research papers and essays. Search for your research paper topic now!
Research paper topic: Democratic Ecohumanism, Market Civilization - 1363 words
NOTE: The research paper or essay you see on this page is a free essay, available to anyone. You can use any paper as a sample on how to write research papers or as a source of information. We strongly discourage you to directly copy/paste any essay and turn it in for credit. If your school uses any plagiarism detecting software, you might be caught and accused of plagiarism. If you need a custom term paper, research paper or essay, written from scratch exclusively for you, please, use our paid research papers writing service!
.. ntal/ humanistic dichotomy in order to realize the essential interconnectedness of these two arenas, so that when Shiva describes the over fishing of the shrimp beds off of the coast of India, we are reminded that the costs are equally felt in the environment and the dissolution of local fishing cultures. (Shiva, 37-54) Because the priorities of the market, (namely continuous development and wealth generation for the small minority which sits atop the neo-liberal hierarchy), are radically opposed to eco-humanistic ideal which we can assume are basically shared by the resource-poor majority of the world, the neo-liberal system is forced to manufacture consent in a manner that Gill finds equally uncivilized. Put another way, if the non-egalitarian result of the neo-liberal order defies Gill's eco-humanism, the non-democratic mechanism for maintaining this order contradicts his ideal of democratic political participation. In Gill's words, neo-liberal capitalism results in a system of political supremacy. By a situation of supremacy, I mean rule by a non-hegemonic bloc of forces that exercises dominance for a period over apparently fragmented populations.
. .(Gill, 400) This crisis, as Gill calls it, arising from what Gramsci calls a rift between popular masses and ruling ideologies (Gill, 400) results in a system that necessarily circumvents popular support, not because the populous is too ignorant to understand its best interests, but rather because the interests of the system inherently contradict the interests of the populous. This lack of real participation is inherently uncivilized according to Gill's democratic/ egalitarian principles, but before we can even examine this idea, we must understand Gill's analysis of how such non-participation is engendered through the two complimentary procedures of [manufactured] consent and coercion. We begin this examination with a look at the neo-liberal ethos, (what Gill calls its mythology), which Gill implicates as uncivilized due to its role in engendering a politics of supremacy. The ideological fallacies that Gill points out seem to fall into two categories: the first being the fallacy of the self-regulating market, the second being the fallacy of the inevitability of neo-liberalism.
On the first point, Block best supports Gill: When the growth of the money supply is either too rapid or too slow, the result can be disastrous. Hence, there is a continuous need for a political practice of money supply management to make market societies work. . .But the very existence of this political practice. .
.in turn creates a new set of problems, since there is a conflict between the system's need for political management and its basic ideology that markets should be left alone to run themselves. (Block) On the second point, Gill is supported by the varieties of capitalism literature, where writers like Boyer and Kitschlett outline the fact that the Liberal Market Economy (LME) model of the Anglo-American system, (which here is synonymous with neo-liberalism), is at least partially challenged by European Coordinated Market Economies and Japanese-style Group Coordination, both of which include some version of stakeholder capitalism designed to mitigate the negative impact of the market. (Boyer 29-58) (Kitschlett 427-459) Gill links the role of propaganda to the uncivilized nature of neo-liberalism in a tertiary manner as a facilitator of the wealth gap and the politics of supremacy that are themselves directly uncivilized. It is unclear whether Gill is also arguing, as one might, that any civilization whose rhetoric stood in such contrast to its reality exhibits a level of contradiction and hypocrisy (i.e a lack of self-knowledge) that, according to Gill's own standards, is inherently uncivilized. In either case, Gill's treatment of neo-liberal mythologies helps us confront Friedman's vague assertions that, in truth, the world actually wants the neo-liberal order (e.g. the story of Heng Dao) (Friedman, chapter 2)), in that, because the propaganda is itself divorced from reality, the consent manufactured through it has no basis in fact, and thus no factual or moral ground on which to stand.
Following the consent and coercion model, Gill reminds us that when consent cannot be manufactured then it must be secured, a practice that seems more directly uncivilized than the role of neo-liberal mythology. Gill sees the coercive model operating on both the macroscopic and microscopic scales. In the macroscopic view, the G7 nexus, as Gill calls it, uses its control of capital to demand compliance from Third World nations in the form of, among other items, open borders, tax breaks, and the protection of specious property rights including international patents. (Gill 412-415) Actualized through international institutions like the IMF and World Bank, international treaties like GATT and NAFTA and individual participants like the bond rating departments of the Western financial conglomerates, the coercive nature of these macroscopic techniques are, by Gill's standards, uncivilized in and of themselves (for being undemocratic), as well as being directly linked to the visitation of economic degradation on the Third World states: The rule and the burdens of market forces are most frequently imposed hierarchically on the weaker states and social actors (Gill, 421). On the microscopic level Gill sees a pernicious move towards a sort of Benthiam pan-opticism, where surveillance is used to further the needs of the neo-liberal order.
(Gill 416-17) For Gill, such a movement is inherently dehumanizing and therefore flies in the face of his democratic eco-humanism, which here seems loosely based on a sort of Kantian kingdom of ends, where as many individuals as possible have the opportunity for self-actualization. As stated above, the combination of consent and coercion result in a system that is inherently non-participatory; either participation occurs under false pretense (consent) or participation that defies the order is rooted out and destroyed (coercion). One hardly needs to revisit Gill or the other authors to find evidence of this practice, as examples, from the brutal repression of protests in Seattle to the orchestration of business friendly regimes in countless Third World countries (e.g. Mexico, Indonesia) to the on-the-record policies of structural adjustment (shrinking government, export driven economies) of the IMF, surround us everywhere. On a thematic note we can merely reiterate that a system that does not serve the populous must avoid real political participation (or perish), therefore justifying Gill's claim as to the uncivilized nature of the neo-liberal order on both counts, (that it is not humanistic and that it is not democratic).
Working within Gill's own framework therefore proves useful, despite its circularity. By applying Gill's democratic eco-humanism as a litmus test, the Polanyian tensions between society and the market and the resulting approaches to maintaining the system become evident. Outside of Gill's subjective aesthetic of civilization as democratic eco-humanism, however, we can see how the term market civilization is absolutely ideal for defining the neo-liberal order. Far more drastically than the stakeholder models of Europe or Japan, the Anglo-American style of neo-liberalism approaches the Polanyian asymptote of full submersion of the social within the economic. Utilizing the more general definition of civilization provided in this paper, we can envision neo-liberal market civilization as a civilization that aggressively embraces an ethos of technological growth, development in the purely material (and not sustainable sense) and wealth generation for the oligarchs. In this sense the neo-liberal market civilization seems to be approaching its apotheosis, even as its inherent contradictions encourage the Polanyian double movement that, for writers like Gill, Moody, Shiva, Escobar, Gray and Block, might provide salvation, either through outright revolution or substantial reforms of the current order. Bibliography Works Cited The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Third Edition Houghton Mifflin Co.
1996 Berger, Suzanne and Ronald Dore. National Diversity and Global Capitalism. Ithaca: Cornell University Press Block, Fred. Deconstructing Capitalism as a System Paper prepared for International Symposium on Approaches to Varieties of Capitalism University of Manchester, March 1999 Friedman, Thomas L. The Lexus and the Olive Tree New York: Farrar Straus Giroux Gill, Stephen.
Globalisation, Market Civilisation and Disciplinary Neoliberalism Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 1995. ISSN 0305-8298 Vol. 24. No. 3.
pp. 399-423 Kitschelt, Herbert et al. Continuity and Change in Contemporary Capitalism. Cambridge University Press Moody, Kim. Workers in a Lean World: Unions in the International Economy.
New York: Verso, 1997 Polanyi, Karl. The Great Transformation. Boston: Beacon Hill, 1944 Shiva, Vandana. Stolen Harvest: The Hijacking of the Global Food Supply. Cambridge, MA: South End Press Political Issues.
Research paper topics, free term papers, essays, sample research papers on Democratic Ecohumanism, Market Civilization