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Research paper topic: A More Perfect Union: - 1022 words
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.. e power to regulate trade, the southern states would be nothing more than overseers for the Northern States. On August 21 the debate over the issue of commerce became very closely linked to another explosive issue--slavery. When Martin of Maryland proposed a tax on slave importation, the convention was thrust into a strident discussion of the institution of slavery and its moral and economic relationship to the new government. Rutledge of South Carolina, asserting that slavery had nothing at all to do with morality, declared, Interest alone is the governing principle with nations. Sherman of Connecticut was for dropping the tender issue altogether before it jeopardized the convention.
Mason of Virginia expressed concern over unlimited importation of slaves but later indicated that he also favored federal protection of slave property already held. This nagging issue of possible federal intervention in slave traffic, which Sherman and others feared could irrevocably split northern and southern delegates, was settled by, in Mason's words, a bargain. Mason later wrote that delegates from South Carolina and Georgia, who most feared federal meddling in the slave trade, made a deal with delegates from the New England states. In exchange for the New Englanders' support for continuing slave importation for 20 years, the southerners accepted a clause that required only a simple majority vote on navigation laws, a crippling blow to southern economic interests. The bargain was also a crippling blow to those working to abolish slavery.
Congregationalist minister and abolitionist Samuel Hopkins of Connecticut charged that the convention had sold out: How does it appear . . . that these States, who have been fighting for liberty and consider themselves as the highest and most noble example of zeal for it, cannot agree in any political Constitution, unless it indulge and authorize them to enslave their fellow men . .
. Ah! These unclean spirits, like frogs, they, like the Furies of the poets are spreading discord, and exciting men to contention and war. Hopkins considered the Constitution a document fit for the flames. On August 31 a weary George Mason, who had 3 months earlier written so expectantly to his son about the great Business now before us, bitterly exclaimed that he would sooner chop off his right hand than put it to the Constitution as it now stands. Mason despaired that the convention was rushing to saddle the country with an ill-advised, potentially ruinous central authority He was concerned that a bill of rights, ensuring individual liberties, had not been made part of the Constitution.
Mason called for a new convention to reconsider the whole question of the formation of a new government. Although Mason's motion was overwhelmingly voted down, opponents of the Constitution did not abandon the idea of a new convention. It was futilely suggested again and again for over 2 years. One of the last major unresolved problems was the method of electing the executive. A number of proposals, including direct election by the people, by state legislatures, by state governors, and by the national legislature, were considered. The result was the Electoral College, a masterstroke of compromise, quaint and curious but politically expedient. The large states got proportional strength in the number of delegates, the state legislatures got the right of selecting delegates, and the House the right to choose the president in the event no candidate received a majority of electoral votes.
Mason later predicted that the House would probably choose the president 19 times out of 20. In the early days of September, with the exhausted delegates anxious to return home, compromise came easily. On September 8 the convention was ready to turn the Constitution over to a Committee of Style and Arrangement. Governor Morris was the chief architect. Years later he wrote to Timothy Pickering: That Instrument was written by the Fingers which wrote this letter.
The Constitution was presented to the convention on September 12, and the delegates methodically began to consider each section. Although close votes followed on several articles, it was clear that the grueling work of the convention in the historic summer of 1787 was reaching its end. Before the final vote on the Constitution on September 15, Edmund Randolph proposed that amendments be made by the state conventions and then turned over to another general convention for consideration. George Mason and Elbridge Gerry joined him. The three lonely allies were soundly rebuffed.
Late in the afternoon the roll of the states was called on the Constitution, and from every delegation the word was Aye. On September 17 the members met for the last time, and the venerable Franklin had written a speech that was delivered by his colleague James Wilson. Appealing for unity behind the Constitution, Franklin declared, I think it will astonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence to hear that our councils are confounded like those of the builders of Babel; and that our States are on the point of separation, only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting one another's throats. With Mason, Gerry, and Randolph withstanding appeals to attach their signatures, the other delegates in the hall formally signed the Constitution, and the convention adjourned at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. Weary from weeks of intense pressure but generally satisfied with their work, the delegates shared a farewell dinner at City Tavern. Two blocks away on Market Street, printers John Dunlap and David Claypool worked into the night on the final imprint of the six-page Constitution, copies of which would leave Philadelphia on the morning stage.
The debate over the nation's form of government was now set for the larger arena. As the members of the convention returned home in the following days, Alexander Hamilton privately assessed the chances of the Constitution for ratification. In its favor were the support of Washington, commercial interests, men of property, creditors, and the belief among many Americans that the Articles of Confederation were inadequate. Against it was the opposition of a few influential men in the convention and state politicians fearful of losing power, the general revulsion against taxation, the suspicion that a centralized government would be insensitive to local interests, and the fear among debtors that a new government would restrain the means of cheating Creditors. American History Essays.
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